Adnan Yildiz
18
Nov 09
DUTCH/ENGLISH, 11th ISTANBUL BIENNIAL REVIEW by adnan yildiz, Metropolis M, 2009
What Keeps Mankind Alive?
ISTANBUL
11e Istanbul Biënnale / 11 Istanbul Biennial
12 september t/m 8 november
Door Adnan Yildiz
DUTCH VERSION (scroll down for english version)
Het was een ironisch toeval dat de opening van de 11e Istanbul Biënnale, samengesteld door What, How & for Whom (WHW), een curatorencollectief afkomstig uit Zagreb, samenviel met de 29e verjaardag van de staatsgreep in Turkije, die ervoor zorgde dat de linkse politiek, mensenrechten, democratie en vrijheid van meningsuiting jarenlang op een zijspoor werden gezet. De Turkse militaire coup uit 1980 heeft de legende van de linkse beweging niet alleen afgekapt, maar ook gemystificeerd. We zullen nooit te weten komen of de bevrijdende invloed van de Turkse Constitutie uit 1961 echt effect zou hebben gehad op de ontwikkeling van de linkse politiek in Turkije.
In de context van de globale economische crisis, stelt WHW voor in navolging van de geëngageerde theatermaker Bertolt Brecht van de belangrijkste vragen binnen de moderne filosofie te herformuleren: ‘what makes humankind alive?’ De indringende wijze waarop WHW de vraagstellingen van deze biënnale presenteert, verwijzend naar de old school linkse traditie van het socialisme en marxisme, fungeert ook als een pijnlijke catharsis ten aanzien van de geschiedenis van de Turkse democratie. Het organiseren van een biënnale gebaseerd op Brechts bewering dat ‘een crimineel een bourgeois is en vice versa’, in een land waar veel mensen werden gestraft en opgesloten omdat ze vochten voor een betere wereld; waar anderen werden opgepakt louter en alleen omdat ze als anarchisten of communisten te boek stonden; waar intellectuelen moesten vluchten alleen omdat ze over Marx of Lenin praatten, is al controversieel op zichzelf.
Deze controverse wordt nog groter als je weet dat de biënnale wordt gesponsord door een van de grootste familiebedrijven uit Turkije, die haar marketingstrategie luister bijzet met de slogan: ‘Koc Holding nodigt je uit voor de Istanbul Biënnale.’ Het dilemma dat ontstaat als gevolg van de discrepantie tussen het statement van de curatoren en de rol van de sponsor is niet alleen interessant binnen de context van Istanbul, maar evenzeer een afspiegeling van de hedendaagse kunstpraktijk die is vastgelopen op de vraag: kan kunst politiek en kritisch zijn, terwijl zij wordt gefinancierd door het bedrijfsleven en haar distributie wordt gereguleerd door de markt?
Zoals in veel snelgroeiende metropolen, heeft ook het nieuwe kapitaal in Istanbul ontdekt dat de cultuurpolitiek een van de beste investeringen is om je positie op de wereldmarkt te verstevigen. In deze situatie waarin het nieuwe kapitaal hongerig is naar succes en bereidwillig om elke kunstorganisatie met internationaal aanzien te ondersteunen voor het vergroten van de naamsbekendheid, is het te berde brengen van het Brechtiaanse, politieke model niet zozeer iets risicovols, maar een noodzakelijkheid. Zeker nu de erfenis van dit (linkse) gedachtegoed al vermarkt wordt in de vorm van Che T-shirts en koffiemokken met het portret van Mao Zedong, om nog maar te zwijgen over de historische cover van Newsweek (februari 2009) met de tekst: ‘We zijn allemaal socialisten’.
Tijdens de persbijeenkomst presenteerde WHW de inhoudelijke en organisatorische structuur van de biënnale als een soort institutionele kritiek die volkomen transparant was over de financiële structuur, het demografische en het sociale profiel van de kunstenaars. Zo’n statement zijn we gewend zijn van kunstenaars maar niet van curatoren, maar het was in deze context de juiste manier om de communicatie met het publiek te openen.
De biënnale vindt plaats op enkele locaties, waaronder Tütun Deposu (Tobacco Warehouse), dat bestaat uit twee tentoonstellingsgebouwen. In het eerste gebouw daagt een lyrische combinatie van de conceptuele werken van Mladen Stilinovic,Vyacheslav Akhunov en Hamlet Hovsepian en het collectief What is to be done?, ons uit de mogelijkheid van een nieuwe avant-garde te overdenken door van andere vormen van verzet te tonen en manieren om de politiek te veresthetiseren. Zoals in de film Chronicles of Perestroika van Dmytri Vilenski waarin het volksverzet in Rusland uit de jaren tachtig in beeld is gebracht. In de volgende ruimte wordt de spanning zichtbaar tussen Cengiz Çekils kranten uit de jaren zeventig, waaruit alle tekst is weggehaald zodat alleen het beeld overbleef, en Jinoos Taghizadehs hologram collages, die Iranese kranten uit de tijd van de revolutie vermengt met beelden uit de westerse kunstgeschiedenis. De kloof tussen deze twee werken wordt opgevuld door het geluid van Taghizadehs video Good Night, waarin Iraanse slaapliedjes uit 1979 te horen zijn. Ook in tijden van oorlog, exploitatie en ellende proberen moeders hun baby’s vrolijk te houden.
De tentoonstelling in het Antrepo gebouw bij de Bosporus heeft een meer didactisch karakter. Er is sprake van een heldere structuur die het publiek makkelijk door de tentoonstelling leidt en die je bij de les houdt, net als je dreigt je aandacht te verliezen. Er zijn enkele werken die de toeschouwer onmiddellijk onderdompelen in hedendaagse, politieke werkelijkheid. Hrair Sarkissians in documentaire stijl gefotografeerde Execution Squares toont stadspleinen in Syrië waar openbare terechtstellingen plaatsvinden. Artur Żmijewski’s film Democracies bestaat uit videobeelden van publieke politieke gebeurtenissen in diverse steden. Ze transformeren de discussie over de openbare ruimte tot een contextueel gevoelige vorm van politieke actie.
De derde locatie van deze editie is de Griekse school (Feriyeköy), die in 2002 werd gesloten door gebrek aan inschrijvingen. Het heeft nu alle trieste kenmerken van een verlaten, stoffig gebouw. De beslissing om de werken te integreren in de context van de school pakt in visueel opzicht erg goed uit. De vrouwelijke psyche in het werk van Nilbar Güneş, Lisi Raskin, Sanja İveković en Ruti Sela & Maayan Amir is een voltreffer die de bezoekers de trappen van de school op laat stormen. Doordat de tentoonstelling hier de persoonlijke momenten uit onze collectieve herinnering weet te raken, wordt ook de sociale kritiek op de hedendaagse maatschappij overtuigender, met als hoogtepunt het werk van Sociéte Realiste en Doa Aly. Vanuit de ramen kijk je over het gras uit, je ruikt de verlaten klaslokalen en ziet de afbeeldingen van Atatürk, de Turkse vlag. Alles in de Griekse school vormt tezamen een real life scenario die de vraag ‘what keeps mankind alive?’ van een ander perspectief voorziet.
De posters van de 11e Istanbul Biënnale werden in de stad geplakt op het moment dat het avondnieuws berichtte over de straatgevechten tussen demonstranten en politie, tijdens de internationale bijeenkomsten van het IMF. Het Brechtiaanse toneel bestond hier uit een echt gevecht waar een aantal ‘acteurs’ ook de prijs voor betaalden. Tegen zo’n de achtergrond zou het juist interessant zijn geweest om echt over een alternatieve vorm van de tentoonstelling na te denken, een subversieve strategie die de hedendaagse politiek binnen zou kunnen dringen. In dat opzicht zou je de biënnale van WHW conservatief kunnen noemen, terwijl de titel veel verwachtingen oproept. Vanwege de compromissen die zijn gesloten kan deze biënnale bekritiseerd worden als een treffend voorbeeld van de neoliberalisering van het marxistische gedachtegoed. Toch is deze biënnale waarin vooral kunstenaars afkomstig uit de periferie, met name de Balkan en het Midden-Oosten, figureren, en die de identiteit van en de discussie over linkse politiek centraal, een goede tentoonstelling. Ze betekent nogal wat in een land waar het nog steeds niet mogelijk is om je een betere wereld voor te stellen zonder hiervoor de prijs te betalen.
Adnan Yildiz is kunstcriticus en curator, Berlijn
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ENGLISH VERSION
Opening on the 29th the anniversary of 1980 coup d'état (12 September), that blocked left-wing politics, human rights, democracy and the freedom of speech for many years in Turkey – as an ironic coincidence, and curated by WHW, 'What, How & for Whom' (WHW) Zagreb-based curator collective, the11th Istanbul Biennial proposes to reconstruct the Brechtian stage of politics and aims to reformulate one of the leading questions of modern philosophy, “What makes humankind alive?” in the context of the global economic crises and İstanbul. Slavoj Žižek’s analogy of positioning The Soviet Invasion of Czechoslovakia as the camouflage for the failure of Prague Spring can be possibly borrowed here for the 1980’s Turkish military coup that didn’t only cut off but also mystified the legend of left-wing movement in Turkey; we will never know if the liberating impact of the Turkish Constitution of 1961 was going to provide any long-term effect on the development left-wing politics in Turkey.
WHW’s performative approach of framing the questions of the biennial (referring to the old school politics; Marxism, socialism and left-wing tradition) has also a cathartic potential and a nostalgic pain for the history of Turkish democracy. Having a biennial, which is based on Brecht’s assertion of ‘a criminal is a bourgeois and vice versa’, in a country where many people were kept imprisoned and punished just because they were fighting for a better world; where some others were hunted just because they were labelled as communists or anarchists; where the intellectuals had to escape or were exiled, just because they were talking about Marx or Lenin already provides a controversial discussion platform. A step further, the controversy might look bigger when the biennial is also sponsored by one of the biggest family business monopolies and its PR strategy is based on the emphasis of “Koç Holding invites you to the Istanbul Biennial”… The dichotomy between the statement of the curators and the role of the sponsor (the visual dominance of the logo) is interesting not only within the İstanbul context, but it also reflects the agenda of today’s contemporary art practice that seems stuck on the question of “can art be political and critical at the same time when its production and organization are financed by private economy, and the circulation is bounded by the market?”
As in many ‘becoming cities’, also in İstanbul, the new capital has already discovered that cultural politics is one of the leading fields for investment and can broaden the borders of control in the global competition of branding. Since the new capital is so hungry for success, and ready to support any kind of global art organization for self-branding, bringing the Brechtian stage of politics or the Marxist discourse to the table is not something risky, but maybe a need, or a demand, when the ghosts are becoming a marketing tool, something like a Che t-shirt or a Mao coffee mug, especially after the historical cover of Newsweek; “We are all socialists…” (February Issue, 2009) In their press meeting and publication, WHW presented the institutional, economical and organizational structure of the biennial as a kind of institutional critique transparently displaying the financial structure, demographic and social profile of the artists and contributors as well as the allocation of the resources. We are used to similar statements of institutional critique from the artists, especially in the context of monster exhibitions; but here starting to communicate with the audience through talking about the backstage (the invisible part of) of a biennial as an institutional critique, coming from the curators and available for the audience (also printed in the guide), seems to be the right move…
Tütün Deposu (Tobacco Warehouse) is composed of two exhibition buildings; and the first one seems to develop a conceptually consistent perspective on the question of WHW, especially focusing on the art historical references from Balkans. The waxing lyrical combination of some conceptualist pieces such as Mladen Stilinovic, Vyacheslav Akhunov, Hamlet Hovsepian and “What is to be done?” challenge us with the possibility of another avant-garde, another avant-gardist art history, other forms of resistance and unique languages of aestheticizing the politics. Especially, Dmytri Vilenski’s “Chronicles of Perestroika” that shows demonstrations from Leningrad, Hovsepian’s short films that record simple human actions such as yawning or itching as gestures of everyday life, and Akhunov’s matchboxes that are full of images from his journals and artist books, together form a critical space that Dostoyevsky’s soul meets Marx’s ghost. In the next door, there is a tension between Cengiz Çekil’s newspapers (from 1970’s) that only show images without their texts and Jinoos Taghizadeh’s hologram collages that transforms the Iranian newspapers from the time of the revolution within the Western art history, and the gap between the histories is filled with the sound of Taghizadeh’s video, “Good Night” playing political lullabies about 1979’s Iran… In the age of wars, exploitation, and misery, mothers always try to keep their babies alive and happy. After listening to Stephen Wright, who is defining today through an ontological crisis, or crises of being, in the video piece from Karen Andreassian, the female saints from Jumana Emil Abboud’s series of drawings smoothly start to fall on you, and you feel the need to re-check Jesse Jonas’s “For Mahogany”, a remake of the final scene from Brecht’s opera.
The installation at the Antrepo building, by the Bosphorus, can be considered more pedagogical or didactic; there is a structured pattern that easily takes the audience inside, sometimes leaves on themselves, several times repeats itself, and gets exciting at the point when you lose your attention, so the pattern is strong but there is no rhythm or music inside... There are certain moments when the audience is immediately integrated into the hot spots of contemporary politics, which brings together mostly the recent contemporary documentary languages. Hrair Sarkissian’s “Execution Squares” that displays images of Syrian city squares, where the capital punishment of civil punishment takes place, and Artur Zmijewski’s “Democracies” that is composed of video footage of public political events from diverse cities transform the discussion of public space - inherited from the ninth İstanbul Biennial- into a contextually sensitive form of political action. The theatricality of Etcétera (Errorista)’s installation includes a performative narration inside, Yılmaz Güney meets Sigmund Freud; you feel like ordering a drink, but there’s no bar, waiter or table service around. Trevor Paglen’s “Celestial Objects” maps the satellites over Istanbul sky, whereas Sharon Hayes decodes the political connotations of love, gender and public space in the Istanbul context. Canan Şenol’s animation of Anatolian tales titled as “Exemplary”, Yüksel Arslan’s ‘artures’, Hüseyin Bahri Alptekin’s “Don’t Complain” (even it has been de-contextualized from its original installation, the argument still works due to its oxymoron proposal), Rabih Mroué’s “I, undersigned”, Danica Dakic’s “Isola Bella” and Murtezağolu & Şangar’s “Unemployed Employees” are the pieces that hold the audience in front of them reconstructing a critical stage of politics through their reflexivity and narrative quality.
Like Deniz Palas from 9th İstanbul Biennial and AKM (Atatürk Culture Center) from 10th İstanbul Biennial, the ready-made context of this biennial is the Greek School (Feriyeköy), which was closed down in 2002 due to the lack of students, and now releases all the stories of sadness and the dust of abandonment, through transforming the question of the biennial, “What keeps mankind alive?” into a critical panorama of the Neo-Marxist discourse, referring to the Theory of Reproduction of the Society. The curatorial decisions regarding the integration of the works into the context of the school visibly operate on an efficient level, so the exhibition at the Greek School manifests a critical perspective on how individuals are internalizing the social processes and educational contents by challenging the hidden curriculum. The female psychic rising from the works of Nilbar Güneş, Lisi Raskin, Sanja İvekovic and Ruti Sela & Maayan Amir hit the ground, and besiege the audience on the stairs of the school. Bringing the personal moments of our collective memory to the surface, the exhibition escalates the social critique of contemporary society through education, gender and identity and reaches its peak with Sociéte Realiste and Doa Aly... Looking at the garden through the window; smelling the abandoned classrooms; seeing Ataturk’s handwriting and pictures, Turkish flags and all the other things left from the Greek School provide a real life scenario in order to re-contextualize what keeps humankind live...
The posters from the 11th Istanbul Biennial covered the city when the evening news was broadcasting the street fights between the anti-IMF demonstrators and cops in İstanbul during the international meetings of the IMF. This time, the Brechtian stage was set for a real fight, and some actors paid the cost. By coincidence such a political agenda would be really interesting if it had an alternative form of exhibition making rather than a museum/gallery installation or a subversive strategy that penetrates into the everyday politics. What you see at WHW’s biennial might be considered as conservative, since you expect so much from its title since it whets your appetite, it can be criticized as an example of neo-liberalization of the Marxist language through its compromises and negotiations with new capital. However the exhibition, which is composed of artists coming from the periphery, especially the Balkans and Middle East, works that have a gender issue consciousness, and discussions around left-wing politics is a good one. It also is a big step for a country where it is not still possible to imagine a better world without paying the costs.
29
Jul 09
Tam Erkmen’e göre havuz problemi (radikal, 29.07.09)

Tam Ayşe Erkmen'e göre havuz problemi
Adnan YıldızFREIBURG - 1827 yılında kurulan Freiburg Kunstverein, Almanya’nın en eski (ilk kuşak ‘kunstverein’ ) sergi salonlarından biri. 1950’lere kadar klasik modernizmi kuran sanatçılara odaklanan bu sanat kurumu, daha sonra dönemin önde gelen güncel çalışmalarına ve tartışmalarına yer vermiş. Şimdilerde Caroline Käding’in direktörlüğünde dinamik bir programa sahip. Ağustos ayının ilk haftasına kadar ise Türkiye’nin en önemli güncel sanat üreticilerinden Ayşe Erkmen’in ‘Mavimtrak’ olarak Türkçeleştireceğim, ‘Bluish’ adlı solo sergisine ev sahipliği yapıyor.
‘Mavimtrak’ insanın kalbini hemen çalan görkemli cam tavanıyla eşşiz bir tarihi binada gerçekleşiyor. Freiburg Kunstverein, 1930’larda yüzme havuzu olarak yapılmış ve uzun yıllar halka açık bir havuz olarak hizmet vermiş bu tarihi binaya 1997 yılında taşınmış. 9 metre yüksekliğinde, 400 m2’lik alanda, izleyiciye açık iki kattan oluşan binanın en can alıcı yanlarından biri mimarisinde mevcut olan ve ziyaretçisini hemen içine alan ferahlık hissi, alan-hacmi. İçine aldığı her işi yutacak kadar kıskanç, güzelliğine düşkün ve doyumsuz, ama ona dokunulunca bir o kadar cömert olabilen, kalbini açabilen, tutkulu bir mimari ruha sahip. Yani tam da Ayşe Erkmen’e göre bir mekân, tam da ona göre bir problem-miş. Havuz problemi.
Mekânın ruhu
Zira Erkmen, pratiğiyle mekânların ruhuna dokunan, matematiğini bilen, bulmacasını çözen bir duyarlılıkla çalışır. Mekânların gramerini iyi oturtarak, sadece fiziksel referanslara değil, mekânların dinamik fizikselliğine de işaret eder; böylelikle mimari şifrenin arkasındaki siyasi, sosyal, tarihi ve kültürel kodlara ulaşır. Onları görünür kılar, bizimle paylaşır. Özellikle mekâna özgü üretilen işleriyle, ki bunu uzamsal (spatial) mekân anlayışı ile ürettiği bazı videolarında da görmek mümkün, izleyicide tuhaf bir aydınlanma hissi bırakır; bu his, orada olmanın ve mekânın fizikselliğini paylaşmanın getirdiği, görmeye ve bakmaya dair siyasi ve tarihi ipuçları veren bir kavrayıştır.
Şiirsel değildir, ama şiirin içindeki saydamlıktan beslenir. Güzeldir, ama sadece estetik temsile dayalı bir yapıya oturtulamaz. O nedenle de ‘site-specificity’ (mekâna özgücülük) tartışmasının en bunalttığı anlarda belirerek, problematiği tek taraflı algılardan kurtarır; meseleyi sanat felsefesinin temel sorularına getirir. Bir mekânın yaratılmasında ve algılanmasında, hafızanın, zamanın ve alegorinin rollerini yeniden sorgular ve (bir unutulmaz Radiohead şarkısındaki gibi) sorar; her şey yerli yerinde -mi?
‘Mavimtrak’ içinde iki tanesi Freiburg Kunstverein için üretilmiş, üç tane Ayşe Erkmen işi barındırıyor. Bunlardan en göz alıcısı, bakmaya doyamacağınız, havada asılı duran bir yerleştirme. Masmavi. Tavandan gelen ışığın değişen renklerine göre -gün içinde- tonu açılan, koyulaşan bir mavilik. Bize mekânın eski bir havuzdan bozma olduğunu hatırlatan; uçurtma ve hafif yelken malzemesinden üretilmiş, üzerinde bastığımız zeminin altında duran havuzun ölçüsünün iki katı, haliyle de o ‘tarihi’ havuzu yeniden üreten bir matematikle havada beliren yeni bir havuz. Mavi renkteki malzemesiyle su, ölçeğiyle havuz ama havadan yükselen, tavandan sarkan, mekâna gökyüzünü getiren bir çekim. Gökçekimi. Bizi yerçekiminden kurtaran, yukarı doğru çeken, esrik bir özgürlük ve anlık bir ferahlık hissi veren, son derece fiziksel bir anıt. Havada asılı duran bir havuz problemi.
Çocukluğun uçurtmaları
Aynı anda bütün kapılar açıldığında içeriye ne kadar izleyici kaç dakikada dolar? Kaç tanesi ne kadar süre ile yukarı bakar, bakmaya devam eder ve yeni sorular üretir? Hangisi hâlâ çocukluğunun uçurtmalarına ve hayallerine sadık, hangisi en son ne zaman çimlere sırtüstü uzanıp gökyüzüne baktı? Bu mavi yerleştirmenin Freiburg’un havasıyla suyuyla da barışık, şehrin bağlamıyla da ilişkili bir dili var. Alman ‘Alman’ bir şehir olmayan Freiburg, İsviçre ve Fransa sınırında olmasının sonucu kültürel olarak melez bir atmosfere sahip; biraz turistik, sayfiyemsi, rahat bir şehir; şehri kesen kanallarıyla zaten ‘sulu’ hatta ıslak bir alan.
Kunstverein’ın hemen önünden akan suyu mekânın içinde devam ettiren bu yerleştirme yalnız değil. Ona, hemen yanıbaşında Freiburg versiyonu olarak üretilmiş bir Ayşe Erkmen videosu eşlik etmekte; bir genç kız şaçını kurulamakta. Loop.
Özgürleşme mücadelesi
Geçtiğimiz sene Berlin/Hamburger Bahnhof’ta gerçekleşen kapsamlı solo sergisinde de gördüğümüz bir projeksiyon ise üst katta yer alıyor; çeşitli coğrafi iklimlerden alınmış ikonik-ironik manzara resimleri dijital bir yükleme sürecini anımsatan bir dille (anbean) yavaş yavaş, kesit kesit açılıyor. Üst kattan bakıldığında içi boş bir deniz yatağına dönüşen bizim ‘mavimtrak’ yerleştirmenin arkasına geçiveriyor. Bizi zamanın suya dair izlerinde, hafıza-tarihinde ve akışında dolaştırarak, bu sergide yeni anlamlar kazanıyor. Mekânın mimari tarihi/tarihi hikayesi, evsensel bir dekora dönüşüveriyor, kendi mekânını yaratarak Freiburg’tan dünyaya açılıyor... Umut hiç bitmez ama ya birgün su biterse?
Karaman’da doğan, Freiburg’da yaşayan teyzem, sergi programı içindeki konuşmamdan sonra ona küçük bir tur veren Caroline ile sosyalleşirken -mavi yerleştirmeyi işaret ederek- Almanca şöyle bir şeyler diyor; “Hep baskı altında geçen genç kızlığımı hatırladım, özgürleşmek için verdiğim çabayı...” Ben de onu dinlerken, Adalet Ağaoğlu’nun ‘Ölmeye Yatmak’ını hatırlıyorum. Ayşe Erkmen haklı. Özgürlüğün rengi mavi, nam-ı diğer gökçekimi.
18
Jul 09
kaos GL, Temmuz 2009, “Ütopya” / Ütopyanın yeniden inşası…

ÜTOPYANIN YENİDEN İNŞASI, MILK ve queer-ELEŞTİREL DÜŞÜNCE
Adnan Yıldız
Kaos GL’nin Umut’u, benden ütopyaya dair bir yazı istediğinde, tuhaf bir içgüdüyle hemen son iki senedir tuttuğum defterlere; sergi hazırlama notlarıma baktım: meğer son iki senedir umuda ve geleceğe ne kadar odaklanmışım? Zira işimi bilenler için tekrara gelecek ama bilmeyenlere hemen not atayım, Antonio Negri’nin en güçlü siyasi önermelerinden biri olan “umudun yeniden inşası” üzerinden giden iki ayrı sergi üzerine çalıştığım bir dönemdeyim. İki serginin küratöryel araştırmasında da umudun fiziksel bir algı ve dürtü olarak izleyiciye geçmesi stratejisini güttüm, sergi formunu bir sunumdan ziyade fiziksel bir deneyim alanı olarak konumlayarak, yaratıcılık ve hayalgücü üzerinde yeni kontrol mekanizmaları yaratmaya çalışıyorum; yeni kanaat, tutum ve ikna kanallaları açarak, izleyiciye bir cümlelik çimdik atmak istiyorum: “UMUDU YENİDEN KURALIM!”
Umut’un istediği yazıyı yazarken, bu notların üzerinden geçmek istedim. Özellikle altını çizmek istediğim bir soru var, cevabım yok, ama soruyu birlikte formüle edeceğiz. Bugün neden (özellikle kuşak olarak) önümüze bir model koyarak ütopya üretemediğimize ama ısrarla literatürdeki ütopyaları tekrar ürettiğimize gelmek istedim. Soru bu: Neden sürekli eski ütopyaları temize çekmekteyiz?
Buraya, bu noktaya gelirken, en çok etkilendiğim isimler elbette yetmişlerdeki bilimkurgu geleneğini kuran gelenekten; hele hele hele 2008’deki ölümünün ardından, hele 90 yaşını kutladığı doğumgününün videosundan kalan gülüşüyle Sir Arthur Charles Clarke... “Gökyüzünden Sesler” kitabında zamana dair kurduğu kurgusal alt yapıda, insanın zamanı nasıl algıladığı ve biçimlendirdiği üzerine konuşurken, ilham dolu dilini ikna edici bir biçimde kıvırarak, hep tekrar ediyor: “mümkün olanın sınırları ancak mümkün görünmeyen şeyler denendiğinde belli olur, bir süre için, o şartta, durumda, zamanda...” Soruya vereceğim ilk cevabım bu alıntıdan hareketle: Bugün risk almayı ve deneme-yanılma metodunu desteklemeyen bir sisteme boğulduk, hemen başarı istiyoruz, hemen ünlü-zengin-mutlu olmanın peşindeyiz ve hepimiz kaybetmekten korkuyoruz.
Diğer yandan Yona Friedman, Archigram, Superstudio ve Archizoom gibi mimari referanslar, hele Peter Cook aurasıyla –Oslo’da- kısa bir karşılaşma anı, beni mekansal düşünme yönünde çok besledi. Milano’da yeni yapılan Boccini Üniversitesi binasını gezerken, Roma’da Colosseum’un yeni tamamlanmış restorasyonu sonrası turist kafilelerini ağırlayan hüzünlü haline bakarken, Venedik’te D. Birnbaum’un küratörlüğünde açılan bienali gezerken de aktı bilinç: Bütün bunlardan sonra, “ütopyayı” bir kavramdan ziyade, bir açı ve görüş olarak yazmanın daha etkili bir yol olduğunu düşünüyorum. Ütopyanın eleştirel düşünce açısından nasıl pozisyonlandığını ve aslında sadece edebi ve kavramsal bir şema olmadığını da yinelemek gerek. Zira mimari olarak daha net okunan bir yansıması var ütopyanın, modalaştıkça ve stilize oldukça içindeki agresif ve saldırgan siyasi dil ölüyor; bir janr’a dönüşüyor. Bunu en çok ve en net biçimde mimaride gördük, biraz da sinemada. Kubrick, Godard ve Tarkovsky... Ya da distopya dersek, Jarman, Fassbinder, Haneke... Ütopya’nın sonuç itibariyle ürün olarak elbette bir model yaratması gerek, sonunda bir dünya olarak önerilmesi için, içinde bütün bir gerçeklik kurgusu barındırması şart. Ama kritik olan, üretilen modelin sistemle nerede, nasıl, ne zaman karşılacağı.
Peter Lang, bir söyleşide Pelin Tan’ın sorusuna (1960’lardaki radikal eleştirinin, “ütopya”nın modernist tarifine karşı bir şey olduğunu düşünüyor musunuz? Bugün radikal eleştiriyi nasıl tanımlarsınız?) şu cevabı veriyor:
“...50’lerin sonuna doğru gitgide daha gözle görülür hale gelmeye başlayan modernizmin ve onun sosyal modellerinin çöküşü, radikaller tartışmaya başlamasalardı daha trajik olabilirdi. Büyük İtalyan tarihçi ve teorisyen Manfredo Tafuri, radikal manifesto ile alay etmiştir. Ancak toplumun esas işlevsizliğine, onun yüzsüz kapitalist yapısına direkt olarak bağlanmaktan kaçınmıştır. Bu çok talihsiz bir durum olurdu, çünkü radikal hareket, bu sistemin kuyusunu kazan az sayıda etkili araçlardan birisini üretmiştir. Bugün Marksist söylemin olmadığı bir dünyayı kabul etmemiz ve serbest piyasa kapitalizmine sıkı sıkıya bağlanmamız, her zamanki ütopya modellerinin kullanılmasına engel oluyor. Ayrıca şunu da biliyoruz ki, yeni eleştirmenler çok gelişmişler ve ilk alternatif modelleri, son dönem mimarlık yaratıcılığına malzeme olarak sunuyorlar...”
Tafuri’ye geri dönmek önemli bir tavır, hele ki bu retro-referansı Fütürizm’in 100. Yılını kutlayan İtalya sanatının kucağına düştüğüm bir anda yeniden gözden geçirdim. O nedenle okura fütürizm ve faşizm arasındaki tehlikeli ve gergin ilişkinin de unutulmaması gerektiğini hatırlatmak istiyorum. (bkz. F.T. Marinetti’nin hüzünlü hikayesi) Fütürist Manifesto’nun faşist İtalyan siyasetçilerinin ağzını nasıl sulandırdığını düşününce, bugün ütopyanın yeniden üretilmesindeki ısrarı daha iyi anlayabiliriz. Yeni bir ütopya yok, ama ütopya artık bir ihtiyaç, bir pastiş, bir retro-effect! Tekno gibi, graffiti gibi, 1 Mayıs gibi bir partileme imkanı. Bir kavramsallaşma yolu. Köprüden önce son çıkış!
Geriye bakınca geleceğin ölümünden bahsetmenin burada etkili olacağını düşünüyorum; artık gelecek bir kavga meselesi değil, bir organizasyon şeması, bir plan-program tahtası. Biz gelecekten ziyade kısa vadeli ve kendimizle ilgili planlar peşindeyiz. Ama o kadar da boktan değil durumlar, mesela Gus Van Sant’ın Milk’i, 2000’lerin sonu itibarıyla sadece bir film değil, aslında bir sanatsal müdahale idi. Siyasi olarak tavır alan bir eleştirinin tarihsel ve dökümanter dillerle birleşerek, bir kimlik mücadelesi olarak hikayelenmesinin hala ve hala işlediğini gösterdi. Bir anlamda devrim hala ve hala mümkün, daha güzel bir dünya her zaman hayal edilebilir, dünya hala ve hala değişebilir -dedi.
Yazacak çok şey var, söylenecek çok şey var ama burada şununla bitirmeli:
Bir tek gelecekten söz etmektense, geleceklerden söz etmek gerek.
1
Jul 09
ENG,The Politics of the Stage or The Stage of Politics/The Seductiveness of the Interval, the catalogue for the Romanian Pavilion,53.Venice Biennial

The Politics of the Stage or The Stage of Politics
By Adnan Yıldız
On stage, I am in the dark.
Local Stories
An image of a bust from my early childhood memories is still vivid. It rested on a pedestal in a small park in my hometown, Karaman, in Middle Anatolia. When I used to walk home from school, it was an inevitable stop, a sort of stage for childhood fantasies and a hidden place for questioning the political borders of a psychosocial territory. The bust represented a local historical figure, Karamanoğlu Mehmet Bey, who was the second ruler of the beylik (feudal province) of Karamanoğlu, and on the pedestal of that bust was inscribed his famous proclamation of 13 May 1277: “This day henceforth, in the dervish convent, in the council, in the palace, in the parliament and in public places, no language other than Turkish shall be permitted.” Since the text was inscribed only in Turkish, I was greatly concerned for those who do not speak Turkish, curiously questioning the logic behind the text: If you don’t speak Turkish, and if it is not permitted to speak any other language than Turkish here, how then would you know this, given that this information is communicated to you only in Turkish? I always felt a kind of thrill as a child when I heard people around me speaking those other languages. How would they have been punished for their transgression?
For me, that park was a perfect example of a conceptual stage that requires neither an actor nor a director. It was an installation that performed continuously within everyday reality. It was an imaginative stage that I had discovered; and it fictionalised itself every morning with another story. The silence in the park was enough for me to fantasise about situations which would somehow challenge the context of the declaration. Sometimes I would imagine people there, around the park, speaking other languages, although this might now sound like a Benetton campaign from the 90s, but back then it was more than just a childhood fantasy. It was the instinctive, natural response of a young child, of a pure mind, to the political atmosphere of Turkey in the 80s. Unspeakable pressure and a high level of control within the public space were the cost, the collectively footed bill called “transitional democracy”; it meant never feeling safe and if you were outside on the street late at night – you might have been taken for a terrorist or an anarchist. To spend time alone in that park in front of that bust was inspiring for me in order understand where I was living, whatever happened here, to understand what was going on…
This situation reminds of the writings of Soviet exile Mikhail Bakhtin, who argued that the “carnivalesque” brings a kind of liberation to the lower class, insofar as “it is not a spectacle seen by the people; they live in it, and everyone participates.” In his Problems of Dostoevsky’s Poetics (1929) and Rabelais and His World (1965), Bakhtin refers to the “carnivalesque” in literature as a kind of activity or situation that takes place in the carnival, whereby the social hierarchies of everyday life -- their solemnities and pieties and etiquettes, as well as all ready-made truths -- are profaned and overturned by normally suppressed voices and energies. In a carnival, a fool can be a wise man or a king appear as a beggar; opposites are mingled (fact and fantasy, heaven and hell). The bust was the centre of the carnival, and around it there were all the people with their costumes; the uniforms, gestures, and attitudes of everyday life in the city. On the other hand, today, the feeling of that atmosphere in the park sounds like it was a Brecthian stage. Regarding the politics of stage theatrics, German director, Bertolt Brecht dreamt of a theatre which alienated the audience, criticising the class conflict and oppression of its time. The term Verfremdungseffekt (V-Effekt) is metaphorically depicted as a hammer, which fights against corruption. In the Brechtian theatre, the audience is invited to experience a form of fiction that shockingly reflects on truth and reality. “To see one’s mother as a man’s wife one needs a V-Effekt: this is provided, for example, when one acquires a stepfather. If one sees one’s form-master hounded by the bailiffs a V-Effekt occurs: one is jerked out of a relationship in which the form-master seems big into one where he seems small.” (cit. John Willett, The Theatre of Bertolt Brecht).
That declaration might have operated as a V-Effekt for me since I used to see it every day, knowing that there were many other languages spoken around me, and also possibilities of hosting people who spoke languages other than Turkish in the city… The presence of that declaration in the public space was only one of the million stories about how public imagination is manipulated and controlled in Turkey. It was a fiction out of an engagement with history and politics; even if they do not speak our language, they are not allowed to speak any other language. Then who were they? With whom did the declaration communicate, and from whom was it protecting our language and culture? In fact, the answer was not so far away from me. It couldn’t be the tourists; for example – as part of the hidden curriculum – at elementary school, it was always repeated that tourists bring foreign currency to the country, so we like them, and when they are around, we behave ourselves… And we were also encouraged to learn a second or third language in the school, therefore it couldn’t be English or German, so what was the language that should not be publicly spoken? At that time, there was a Kurdish labourer who helped my father in his business, called Celal. Furthermore, I observed that when I sometimes tuned in to the Kurdish-speaking radio channel to invite him for a tea break, he would kindly turn the sound off if any other people were around… Now, I know why. I started to learn who they were; they were the people who lived together with us; our friends, neighbours and relatives. There was no cultural antagonism between people, cultures or languages; it was a set made by some actors who worked for the state in the state, and it is always the innocent people who always suffer, get hurt or killed.
Later, they replaced the bust with a monumental statue, now holding a ferman (edict) on which the same text from the declaration is inscribed, again only in Turkish. In addition to Mehmet Bey’s declaration, there is also another statement on the front of the pedestal now; and this time it is from Ataturk, (1881-1938) the founder of the Republic, saying, “Turkish Citizens who are successfully capable of protecting the high level of their national independence should also emancipate the Turkish language from the invasion of foreign languages.” Maybe the transformation of that declaration from a thirteenth-century case into a Cold War weapon was not only a representation of a closed system, but also a reflection of how culture, identity and language have been officially staged in our country. The declaration has been handed down from the thirteenth century, and it had nothing to do with the national identity of its time, since nationalism is conceptually an invention of the modern age. Mehmet Bey’s intention was probably to provide a sort of uniformity and centralisation in Central Anatolia against Persian dominance. But the micro-politics behind the mentality that keeps the statue with that statement in the public space relates to other concerns and still exists in that context. Regarding the omnipresent position of Kemal Ataturk, it is not so strange for me to see his words connected to a statement from the thirteenth century. He was misinterpreted and exploited by almost all of the political movements in the country, and everyone has borrowed a sentence from him to validate their own political identity. In 2007, during the 10th Istanbul Biennial, some academicians started a campaign to inculpate the curator of the show, Hou Hanru, for his references to the sociological reading of late modernism in Turkey. Hanru was referring to a valid contextual framework which is still taboo in this country. The recent design of the statue, now including a sentence from Ataturk, is not a coincidence. It is the destiny of every argument in this country…
Using history as an element of manipulation, and culture as a stage for control, the Turkish army, the bureaucratic elite and the bourgeoisie have exploited the cultural and historical aspects of the country, creating a fictional past and a designed national identity. After the military coups, especially after the one in 1980, there a post-Cold War process was also staged in Turkey, the same as in many other places around the world, black-listing any other/minor language, identity or culture as a potential enemy of the state/nation/country. For instance, for many years it was an issue of human rights and democracy; before August 2002, the Turkish governments placed severe restrictions on the use of Kurdish, prohibiting the language in education and the broadcast media. Since last year, Kurdish parents have been allowed to give their children Kurdish names, Kurdish teachers to hold classes on the Kurdish language, and Kurdish broadcasters to set up their own television station. This year, the state-owned Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT) launched an exclusive Kurdish-language television station in an undoubtedly historical step that reflects the changing attitude of the state toward its Kurdish citizens. Many people interpreted this step as an important change in the state’s approach toward Kurdish citizens, but some others, as an investment by the Islamic government in Kurdish votes before election day. Is this also a stage of politics?
News flash: A Kurdish singer who had been working for a television show at this recently launched Kurdish speaking channel of TRT resigned several days ago, complaining about the social pressure inside the institution, and stating that she had even been censored by the channel several times. Is the stage really changing, or is it just changing another décor on its surface?
So what about the audience?
Global Affairs
National borders, militarist-territorial strategies and Cold War politics have also been undergoing a post-Fordist transformation in the last decades. In short, contemporary forms of capitalism have been undergoing massive changes in the previous decades as a result of digitalisation, mobility and internationalism, introducing new forms of self-organisation and everyday politics. Apart from national economic borders and the international territorial consensus that has controlled the markets, their value and accessibility, since the beginning of the twentieth century, there are currently new virtual societies and communities that share, exchange, shape and circulate information, knowledge, experience and products such as e-bay or Youtube. For example, the shift in the form of encyclopaedias, considered the traditional form of information production since the Enlightenment, to today’s open sources, such as Wikipedia, produces a reflexive and collective process for the exchange of information.
One may also conclude that the conditions of image production have been democratised, making it much easier and cheaper to exchange images, thanks to new technological developments, digitalisation and the Internet. Nevertheless, human imagination and critical creativity continue to be manipulated and controlled by the codes and systems of the State, Army and media-reproducing mediocracy. Western Europe and North America are expanding the borders of public control and capitalising on the channels of information processing for the sake of security, as opposed to increasing demands for free information, education and knowledge by many activists and intellectuals. India, China, and Russia are, in this case, the rising stars, yet their repressive policies of censorship are notorious. On the other hand, U.S. President Barack Obama is the first elected president to have campaigned with a CNN debate, a Facebook page and a YouTube channel, using the Internet to communicate directly with Americans in a way unknown to previous presidents. In his article What Makes Mainstream Media Mainstream? Noam Chomsky, whose work has analysed the forms of this media transformation and produced an extensive, critical discourse on anti-globalisation, writes: "What are the elite media, the agenda-setting ones? The New York Times and CBS, for example. Well, first of all, they are major, very profitable, corporations. Furthermore, most of them are either linked to, or outright owned by, much bigger corporations, like General Electric, Westinghouse, and so on. They are way up at the top of the power structure of the private economy, which is a very tyrannical structure. Corporations are basically tyrannies, hierarchic, controlled from above. If you don't like what they are doing you get out. The major media are just part of that system. What has it to do with our consumer behavior?”
This reminds me of a recently produced art piece. Filmed at a real television studio in Berlin, Canadian artist Lynne Marsh’s Camera Opera is made up of a series of choreographed movements from different cameras around an anchorwoman, creating a Brechtian stage for the viewer as a performative critic of mass media broadcasts. In organised harmony, the operators circle around the studio, focus on the anchorwoman and pan out to expose the set, equipment, lighting, audience seating and each other. The performance is based on the Strauss waltzes that navigate the operators’ movements. What we see is how the television studio is organised through and by means of camera views, and how the set may become a performative space based on a series of codified relations. Engaging the Brechtian techniques of alienation, Marsh turns the cameras on themselves, denying their traditional role of relaying information and exposing their participation in the manipulation of what the viewer is presented with. As a conceptual entity, the stage exists in everyday reality, and it is transformed into the forms of everyday communication, exchange and visibility again and again. Like everything else, the stage is also televised, digitalised, virtualised today. Guy Debord’s The Society of the Spectacle is a critique of contemporary consumer culture in terms of how contemporary image politics evolve: “All that was once directly lived has become mere representation,” and “the spectacle is not a collection of images; it is a social relation between people that is mediated by images.”
The evolution of contemporary image politics, the position of the audience, and the conceptualisation of the stage are closely linked to the phenomenon of globalisation, multiculturalism, and the continuously changing model of post-Fordist society. According to Slavoj Žižek, the only universal hegemony is global capitalism; without opposition, all other struggles will be easily incorporated into its logic. Even progressive multiculturalism, in the form of radical, (deconstructive) particularism, has been taken over by global power, as analysed by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri in Empire. This was wholly visible during the 2003 American invasion of Iraq, in the spectacle of the 2008 Olympic Games Opening ceremonies in Beijing, etc. Related to this point, Berlin-Singapore-based artist Ming Wong’s practice has to be briefly mentioned here as an artistic gesture. He duplicates a scene from the movie, Welcome Mr. Marshall! a Spanish comedy film from 1953, directed by Luis García Berlanga and considered one of the masterpieces of Spanish cinema. It is about a small town in Castile, Villar del Río, which warmly welcomes some visiting American diplomats by disguising their town and themselves in Andalusian style, in order to display the side of Spanish culture with which the visiting American officials will be most accustomed, in the hopes of benefitting under the Marshall Plan. Wong reinterprets or reconstructs a speech given to the town to boost their morale and encourage them to undergo the cultural transformation, replacing America and Americans with China and Chinese. Neither America nor China, it is called Empire as a global form of capital control and oppressive power. Nevertheless, there is always hope. In his book Time for Revolution Antonio Negri proposes a term, the “reconstruction of hope,” in order to posit the questions “how can a revolutionary subjectivity form itself within the multitude of producers? How can this multitude make a decision of resistance and rebellion? How can it develop a strategy of re-appropriation? How can the multitude lead a struggle for the self-government of itself?” He responds to these questions with a socio-cognitive approach: “In the bio-political postmodern, in this phase that sees the transformation and productive enrichment of labour-power, but on the other hand sees the capitalist exploitation of society as a whole, we thus pose these questions. As for the answers, I certainly do not possess them. But… probably a few bricks toward the reconstruction of hope.”
Global Exchange
In one of the common interpretations of William Shakespeare’s Hamlet, who is described by Ophelia as "th’ expectancy and rose of the fair state, / The glass of fashion and the mould of form" (Act III, Scene 1, lines 148-9), the character of Hamlet is mostly defined as a reflection of the reactions of all the other characters in the play, and especially the audience. Some critics such as Stephen Booth, William Empson et al. have further investigated the analogous relationship between Hamlet, the play, and its audience. For instance, Hamlet’s mother, Gertrude interprets her son’s actions as the result of her “o’erhasty marriage,” while Polonius, most obviously, misreads his own expectations into Hamlet’s actions (“Still harping on my daughter!”), though many other characters in the play participate in analogous behaviour.
Let’s go back to that park, and imagine that Brecthian atmosphere or “carnivalesque” mise en scène here again in the age of global war. Like Shakespeare’s Hamlet, the statue in that park has functioned as a mirror for its audiences, or passers-by; a public stage for its citizens whispering what they think, how they think, and in fact what they are afraid of. Perhaps the impact of the statue on the citizens is like the way in which public performances by Harry Houdini, who was a legendary magician, escapologist, stunt performer, actor and film producer, were perceived by his audience: “It is not really happening, that’s why it is so real…”
Perhaps the citizens who have kept their silence for years and never confronted the logic behind the monument might never guess how the story is going to end. As far as we know from George Orwell’s fiction, Animal Farm there is a line that will remind us of the old story: “All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others…”
P.S. 1 This text has been written using the research notes for the exhibition project There Is No Audience, an Exhibition about Public Imagination (22 May-31 August 2009, Montehermoso, Spain), which was a selected proposal for the 2009 Curator Grant from the 370 applications sent to the open call.
P.S. 2 Turkey has been shaken by the news a few days later I finished this text. 44 people were murdered in Zangirt (Bilge) Village of Merdîn (Mardin) province by government paramilitary forces, village guards (korucular) on 5 May 2009. The attackers used heavy weapons. 1200 rounds were fired. The weapons belonged to the state, so did the bullets. Before its name was changed to Bilge as part of the assimilation policies of the Turkish state, the village was used to be known as "Zanqırt" in Kurdish.
image: The public monument, Karamanoğlu Mehmet Bey, Karaman
www.seductiveness-of-interval.ro
11
Jun 09
ENG, TIME-CHALLENGER
Time-Challenger was born as an exhibition proposal for the open call of the Curator Curator project, which is a collaborative organization between Enough Room for Space from Rotterdam and HISK, a post-graduate program currently located in Ghent. The original proposal was based on the idea of opening a space-time for a discussion of how artistic reconstruction has been operating today through diverse conceptual approaches and contextual references in relation to current image politics. Recently, there have been numerous exhibition projects addressing artistic re-enactments, remakes, reproductions, and reinterpretations …Time-Challenger takes into consideration the art historical and analytical framework of these projects while taking a different direction by connecting the discussion to Antonio Negri’s concept of the “reconstruction of hope.” Just after the proposal was selected by Enough Room for Space, I did a research visit to the exhibition space and engaged in discussion with the residents of the studios and post-graduate students there during the Open Studio Week. Finally, the proposal has been crystallized by these discussions and aspects of the artistic production at HISK and has now turned into an exhibition about critical reconstruction. The term “critical reconstruction” is borrowed from Gary Wolf (Venture Kapital, Wired Magazine, 1998) who writes about the reconstruction of Berlin following the fall of the Berlin Wall. Coincidentally, or perhaps as a sign of Zeitgeist, this proposal was completed in Berlin’s Kreuzberg neighbourhood, the site of much of the most dynamic reconstruction in Berlin since 1989.







